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Changing Alliances Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington D.C. the world headlines have continuously focused on the war against the Taliban rulers of Afghanistan and the Al Qaeda terrorist organization. Lost in these headlines are some interesting political changes that have transpired since Sept 11, 2001. These changes have long term scriptural significance in that countries like Iran and Russia have changed their political stripes and realigned themselves closer to the Western powers. Iran In a remarkable change of position, the U.S. now considers Iran a friendly nation rather than an enemy State. The New York Times reported there, "appears to be a significant shift in Iranian-American relations since the September 11 attacks on the United States. The Bush administration has set aside for now its criticism of Iran for supporting Hezbollah, a Shiite Muslim militant group based in Lebanon, and the Palestinian group, Hamas. It did not include either group on two lists of terrorist groups and individuals whose assets have been frozen because of the attacks." In addition, the US administration for the first time, asked a federal judge to throw out a lawsuit brought against Iran by the 52 Americans who were held hostage for 444 days beginning in 1979 and many of their relatives, who are seeking damages from the Tehran government. As well, the Bush administration opened a full-scale interagency review of American policy toward Iran. The State Department, with its policy-planning director, Richard N. Haass, taking the lead, has tried to accelerate the review since the attacks. Russia Russia has offered expertise, antibiotics and vaccines to help the United States counter a growing anthrax scare. Russia inherited the Soviet Unions deep bio-weapons program and traditionally has been hostile to sharing any of the fruits of its high-tech military programs with the United States. Perhaps the most conspicuous about-face, however, has been Russias near-silence on U.S. plans for National Missile Defense (NMD) since September 11. Normally, Russian officials can be expected to emphatically naysay the proposal whenever a U.S. official comments on the virtues of NMD. What few whispers there have been shatter traditional Russian thinking. Putin now says the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty that bars NMD development can be modified within the scope of Russian interests. More importantly, he publicly has ruled out requiring Washington to abandon NMD as the price for Russian cooperation in Afghanistan. Some sort of NMD deal will probably be formalized as early as November, when Bush and Putin meet in Texas. At NATO headquarters October 3, Putin continued the series of surprises: He said Russia would no longer oppose NATO expansion if the West can prove the alliance is becoming more of a political and less of a military organization. In a single speech, Putin revived what the world had thought was a moot issue and indicated Russian acquiescence to NATO expansion in former Soviet republics. Putin also said that regardless of NATOs future shape, Russia very much wants to tighten Russian-NATO relations at every level. Even couched with "if," his words showed considerable flexibility, certainly more than Russia had voiced before. At home, Putin is also cleaning up slovenly financial practices. In early 2001, Russia flatly refused to pay off the Paris Club debt it inherited from the Soviet Union, triggering a spat with Germany, Russias largest creditor and trading partner. But in a radical departure from past financial brinksmanship, Putin announced October 11 that Russia would begin paying off its loans ahead of schedule. Summary George Rayner |
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